Shift to the Right (Part 1 of 3): Introduction/The Anti-Feminist Possibilities of Laissez-Faire

(PDF of full article here)

 

Introduction to the Article

Sometimes I have long said that I don’t want to do this. I’m just a simple girl. No matter what I may feel in my heart, my writings are but a drop in the ocean compared to all the writings by those who are “somebody” in this world. A mere drop of water, barely even enough to so much as affect a wave, what could I ever possibly do? And I don’t know the answer to that. I’ve been depending on a husband since I was nineteen years old. I don’t even so much as have a single credible job reference to my name. I had asked fate, asked of God himself (yes, I use the masculine form here) why do I even exist in these times? I don’t belong in this world. My heart, my mind, it just can’t keep pace with the crude, vulgar, egalitarian ways of modern society. I was born in the wrong century. I don’t read blogs I used to read. I don’t talk to people I used to talk to. I have removed and isolated myself from the world I once belonged to, feeling as though that world no longer held my heart. My heart is pure and cannot compromise. I’m old-fashioned, gentle, feminine. I don’t look, think, nor act like the modern female. People have looked at me- women mostly- like I’m crazy in some form. Shocked is what they are because they’ve isolated themselves from their femininity to adhere to modernity and what the society says a woman should be.

But I never wanted to be a man. I couldn’t live up to that drive to achieve or compete. That’s not what’s written on my heart. I never wanted to get rid of the blood, the pain, the weakness, softness, gentleness. But knowing what was written on my heart when I was so young and innocent, then God had given me a husband to protect me. Have I ever regretted this? No. I find myself terrified sometimes at my own dependence and helplessness it’s true. I can’t deny that. But there is nothing better. I spent the most vulnerable years of my life not on some college campus having drunken hookups but rather with one man, my husband. Having no independent income, I was bound to him, often in frustration and sometimes even anger, but I was always taken care of and lived with such love and passion. Experiencing the full force of feminine passion, I can say that both my body and spirit are more sensitive than what a man’s is. There is no better life than that love.

I guess I have found myself more than once constantly asking why I’m even here. Why me? was the backbone of all my memoirs. I don’t want to write, yet fate dropped Constitutional law and history books in my lap over and over and said “read.”

I said, “I don’t want to do this anymore. I’m disgusted with the ways of the world. I want nothing more than to wash my hands of all of it.”

Yet fate said, “Press on.”

 My chest and back constrict with fiery pain, my head throbs, I haven’t slept in days before I began writing this; aches and pains intermittently ravage my upper body. Months ago, I said, “I don’t know if I’ll get up in the morning.”

Yet fate said, “You’ll get up.”

Finally, I said, “I never want to write again. It’s pointless and hopeless.”

Maybe fate would leave me alone this time, yet that didn’t happen. Never in my life has this happened to me. Never has such agitation lasted for more than a day, two at most. Yet, on day fifteen living on three to four hours of sleep I finally said, “OK. I’m listening.” I don’t suppose fate cares what one feels or what one wants. It only cares about its own goals, recruiting and using who it wills. I didn’t know what I could possibly say or write, but in the middle of the night I knew there was something. As is usually the case, the outline eventually forms in my mind.

What is it I feel in my heart? What is written within? Despite the overwhelming feminist indoctrination of society- with “conservatives” leading the way in female empowerment and gender-blending ideology just as much as the Left- if the United States Senate (and yes, it is the Senate, not the president, who gets the final say in placing judges on the Federal courts[i]) hands to the people another “conservative” Supreme Court justice, it might in actuality hold the key to the entire undoing of feminism. So, while everyone is focused on the “abortion debate” as regards the nomination of Federal judges (of which I would like to briefly return to in the end here as it all ties in, despite having written extensively on the subject already)- with “conservative” women leading the way- as is usually the way in life as in law, actions often have completely unintended consequences that are not always apparent at the outset.

So, fate pushed and prodded me, what I must say and what I must write. So now for truth in history, for freedom, and for the deepest feelings of my heart, maybe fate has its purpose. Whispering in my ear, fate has guided me to what I know that I must say and write.

The Anti-Feminist Possibilities of Laissez-Faire

Perhaps first and foremost of all possibilities could be the ability for traditionalists to use the “conservative” belief in so-called limited government and free market ideals to advantage. During the Supreme Court’s laissez-faire era of the late 19th to early 20th century (up to the New Deal legislation), the Court struck down state laws left and right that attempted in any way to regulate the economy or infringe upon the “liberty of contract” as guaranteed by the United States Constitution. Of course, some legislation was upheld where women as a group were concerned, deeming that women were still in need of protections in some way, such as in the United States Supreme Court case of Muller v State of Oregon[ii] in 1908. From the beginning with cases such as Allgeyer v. Louisiana in 1897[iii] and Lochner v New York[iv] in 1905, the Court had invalidated countless attempts of Congress and the states to regulate working hours, wages and other aspects of the economy. Holding that corporations were “persons” under the Fourteenth Amendment, any violations on the right of workers or employees to contract with one another were struck down as infringements upon personal liberty and private property rights.

With the emergence of the welfare state in the late 1930s the “Lochner Era” or “Laissez-Faire Era” officially ended, though many libertarians and “conservatives” still believe in free enterprise and are firmly against the redistribution of wealth. Obviously, it is necessary for the “liberal” wing of the Supreme Court to begin to die out for all of the changes of the mid-20th century to die out along with it. With a Supreme Court majority in favor of Liberty of Contract, employers would be allowed to legally discriminate in hiring and pay once again. What this could essentially mean, of course, is that ultimately traditional gender roles would be given the chance to return to society as social custom, as well as supply and demand, could then dictate market forces as opposed to affirmative action and Federal anti-discrimination legislation.

In the mid-1990s, the Rehnquist court had begun, for the first time since The New Deal era, to rule against Federal power in favor of state’s rights or limited government, beginning with such cases as United States v Morrison[v]and United States v Lopez[vi]. If such a trend were to continue, and the “liberal” wing of the Supreme Court dies out, it could also pave the way for the striking down of other Federal legislation as Unconstitutional if a majority of the justices were to rule that Congress lacked the authority under the Commerce Clause or the enforcement provision[vii] of Amendment Fourteen of the United States Constitution to enact such statutes. A more “conservative” majority on the Supreme Court would also be more prone to overturn such cases as Roe v Wade[viii] and Obergefell v. Hodges,[ix] and, with a continuing shift away from Federal power and the welfare state in favor of free enterprise, state’s rights, and limited government, Federal legislation such as The Equal Pay Act of 1963, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title IX (Public Law 92-318), the various revisions of the Violence Against Women Acts, and the Lily Ledbetter Fair Pay Restoration Act might also begin to be called into question.

Disgusted I am, of course, with the “conservatives” of today’s era, who turn as much of a blind eye towards the differences between the sexes. However, this might be the one true chance in history to take advantage of current events and the public’s blind fixation on the abortion and immigration debates to take advantage of what else could be done here. All but a few cases that come up to the Supreme Court begin as lawsuits in the lower state and Federal courts, and it would undoubtedly take a society believing in traditional gender roles again to challenge women’s lib-era politics, and for a case to eventually wind up before the Court, and feminist legislation could begin to be struck down left and right, affecting a sort of revolution. There’s only so far the agenda of homosexuality and working mothers and overall “gender equality” can truly be pushed before things begin to fall apart. If Title VII and other Federal legislation aimed to outlaw discrimination against women, mothers, and pregnant women is deemed to be an Unconstitutional infringement of the Liberty of Contract and unreasonable usurpation of power by the Federal Government, and society has begun to shift away from feminism and its social agenda (which has run its course to be nearly complete by now), it could open the chance for private and public employers to be allowed to legally do such things as refuse to hire a married woman or a mother with young children.

 Employers would be free to legally favor males in hiring and pay, if such employers (and ultimately the beliefs of society overall) began to shift to view males as more reliable and better suited to specific jobs. Without abortion or the welfare state to fall back on, the connection between sex and childbearing and the necessity of marriage would begin to reconnect and the responsibility would ultimately have to, of necessity, shift to fathers to provide for women and children. With arbitrary Federal anti-sex discrimination knocked down as Unconstitutional and employers free to refuse to hire married women or mothers without fear of penalty or social ostracism, the laws themselves could also be changed one by one at the state level to reinforce traditional rights and responsibilities between the sexes within marriage (especially if the Court overturns its 2015 decision in Obergefell). Without a welfare state, without abortion, without affirmative action or subsidized daycare, there would be little choice but for women (in particular mothers) to turn to husbands to provide. It would also mean that society, state legislatures, and the courts would begin to take the legitimacy of children seriously as well, as there would be no buffer but marriage to protect a woman who bears an illegitimate child (and there would be even greater stigma attached to the fathers who abandon them). Especially if “gay marriage” is called into question it would mean that society overall still believes that the law should make at least some distinctions based upon sex.

While Republican women are undoubtedly the most feminist, they don’t seem to connect real well that their policies could actually be the complete undoing of their “empowerment.” There seems to be some evidence that the power of women in the Republican party is declining as well, so perhaps society will see less of these annoying women in the future. Perhaps even to my own mind it did not seem to be the way at first, but even though today’s “conservatives” are hardly traditional in any sense of the word, a more “conservative” shift in society could nonetheless pave the way for traditional gender roles and traditional marriage (true traditional marriage, with male responsibility as providers attached to it) to return once again to society.

The general public generally forgets, or perhaps simply doesn’t understand, just how many cases were brought and heard before the Supreme Court within such a short period of time striking down nearly all state and Federal laws that would treat the sexes differently.[x] The legacy of the Warren and Burger Court eras upholding the legal equality of the races and sexes and expanding the rights of criminal defendants was, in the words of former Supreme Court Justice Abe Fortas, “…the most profound and pervasive revolution ever achieved by substantially peaceful means.”[xi] Even if there is no “conservative takeover” to truly happen in the near future, extreme liberalism will probably die a natural death in time anyway as it is simply not sustainable. Sometimes social revolutions sweep in quickly in society due to the current needs and demands of society and the pressing social issues of the times. There is no reason why such a thing could not still happen today, only this time reversing feminist- era politics nearly in their entirety over the coming years and decades.

As well, society should also expect that shifts of this magnitude in the overall social fabric of society will come with backlash- possibly severe backlash. Severe, bloody civilian rioting (which has already been seen in recent years) and even a form of civil war cannot be ruled out. With the concurrent experimentation of society of placing females in military combat and other traditional positions that require the strengths and abilities that males overwhelmingly possess (that females generally do not), females would also be more likely to be seen as a liability in these fields, thus perhaps being booted out of them entirely once again. With no abortion- possibly even restrictions on birth control- no affirmative action, no welfare state and no watered-down standards in the military or the police forces, the social and legal fabric would quickly shift as males would naturally rise ahead of females in these fields. In such a hypothetical- though by no means implausible- scenario, the (mostly good) social consequences would be enormous.

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[i] “…He [the president] shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.

The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.” U.S. Const. art. II, § 2.

[ii] 208 U.S. 412

[iii] 165 U.S. 578

[iv] 198 U.S. 45

[v] 529 U.S. 598 (2000). (The Supreme Court in this case struck down specific provisions of the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 as exceeding Congress’ Constitutional authority under the Commerce Clause).

[vi] 514 U.S. 549 (1995). (Supreme Court case striking down the 1990 Gun-Free School Zones Act as exceeding Congress’ authority under the Commerce Clause of the Constitution.)

[vii] “The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.” U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 5.

[viii] 410 U.S. 113 (1973)

[ix] 576 U.S. _ (2015). (Supreme Court case mandating that all U.S. states recognize same-sex marriage as a “Constitutional right.”)

[x] See Mississippi University for Women v. Hogan, 458 U.S. 718 (1982); Weinberger v. Weisenfeld, 420 U.S. 636 (1975); Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609 (1984); Orr v. Orr, 440 U.S. 268 (1979); Reed v. Reed, 404 U.S. 71 (1971); Taylor v. Louisiana, 419 U.S. 522 (1975); Sugarman v. Dougall, 413 U.S. 634 (1973); Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 365 (1971); Trimble v. Gordon, 430 U.S. 762 (1977); Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190 (1976)

[xi] Bernard Schwartz, A History of the Supreme Court, p.334 (4th ed. 1993). Quoted from Fortas, in The Fourteenth Amendment Centennial Volume 34 (Schwartz ed. 1970).